3 témoignages d'anciens résidents du Quebec : Tres édifiant, merci de lire avec attention !

chers ami(e)s, je tiens a partager avec vous des récits (négatifs) que j'ai trouvé sur internet de personnes qui ont déjà vécu au quebec, certes c'est pas très rose et ca inquiète bien-sure, mais je tiens qd même a les partager:

1er:Le Québec - la plus mauvaise expérience de ma vie!:

J'ai voyagé à travers le monde, travaillé dans le Pacifique avec des Indigènes, eu des problèmes de santé toujours résolus et des relations humaines extraordinaires.

J'ai travaillé en Ontario et au Québec.
La première expérience en Ontario, Toronto, très difficile avec mon anglais low-level, je travaillais à Canadian Tire, des Européens m'ont engagé pour monter les vélos. Mon expérience étant l'aéronautique, l'électronique et l'informatique avec mes diplômes de France = un grand zéro au Canada...

Je suis donc allé à Ottawa plus francophone et là j'ai trouvé un job de prof de Français langue seconde. Un Québécois aimant la France et directeur du bureau des langues m'a embauché par l'entremise d'une école de langue dont la patronne était française. Cinq ans de bons jobs, une vie sereine...

J'ai dû retourner en France pour des raisons de famille très grave. J'ai quitté donc le Canada en 1999 avec déjà une mauvaise opinion de la médecine québécoise comparativement à l'Ontario et je sais de quoi je parle...

Je suis revenu au Canada en juin 2005 avec femme et enfants. La catastrophe a commencé... parce que nous avions choisi Montréal.

Mon bébé malade. Dans des cliniques médicales, personne n'a voulu le prendre car nous n'avions pas encore la carte de santé, je me suis engueulé avec la secrétaire à qui j'aurais collé une claque (heureusement pour elle, il y avait la vitre...) J'ai porté plainte contre ces deux cliniques.

J'ai trouvé un français kiné dans une clinique privée qui a fait tout ce qu'il a pu et a bien traité mon fiston depuis...

Nous avions essayé les offices publiques mais de 1 à 5 mois et plus d'attente, inhumain pour un bébé... Pauvre Québec!

Au niveau job à Montréal, tout le monde m'a toujours dit OUI mais jamais, je dis bien jamais, on a tenu promesse, verbale ou écrite... la parole donnée ici, c’est de la merde.
Je me suis fait voler 20 000$.

J'ai connu des Français hautement diplômés, médecins, infirmières, sage-femme, des ingénieurs, tous ne travaillent pas où ont des jobs de merde et la plupart repartent en France.

J’ai retenu trois grands mensonges au Québec :
- C’est pas loin
- C’est pas cher
- Ça sera pas long

Ils se foutent de votre gueule. Un ami psy me dit que les Québécois détestent les conflits d’où l’obligation pour eux de ne jamais dire NON. Ils disent tous OUI, mais ne réalisent que très rarement leurs dires…

Il faut bien réfléchir avant de venir vivre au Québec. N'écoutez ni la Délégation du Québec à Paris, ni même un Québécois, c'est du vent.

Ils ont culturellement une positive-attitude extrémiste.

À propos des femmes, un conseil : ne fréquentez pas une Québécoise, encore moins pour s’y marier, et pire, avoir des enfants. Vous y laisserez votre santé, votre moral et plus encore toutes vos économies, c'est assuré.

Les routes, abominables! Pire que dans les îles du Pacifique.
La médecine, l'une de plus horrible de la planète (vous du vécu, demandez-moi)
Les gens toujours complexés quand vous dites que vous êtes Français.

Et je n'ai pas fini, je reviendrai compléter ce bilan...

2eme: La grande imposture de l'immigration au Québec:

Je souhaite échanger avec les membres du forum sur les opportunités d’emploi au Québec une fois qu’on a un diplôme Canadien en poche. D’après les différents témoignages c’est principalement à cause de leurs diplômes étrangers que les immigrants ont de la difficulté à se trouver un emploi à la hauteur de leurs qualifications.

Est-ce que certains d’entre vous ont pu décrocher un emploi respectable après l’obtention d’un diplôme canadien ?

Personnellement je suis revenu sur les bancs de l’Université et j’ai été franchement dégoûté par la médiocrité de l’enseignement universitaire au Québec. En plus de dépenser toutes mes économies je me suis endetté à gauche et à droite pour être en mesure de joindre les deux bouts.

C’est un enseignement bourratif où on force les étudiants à acheter et lire les stocks invendus des grandes libraires du Québec. Les professeurs ne sont jamais là pour vous encadrer. Il n’y a pratiquement pas d’échecs et la notation est très généreuse. Ayant fait des études en France, au Maroc et en Angleterre je suis maintenant convaincu que la politique d’immigration du Canada est l’une des plus grandes impostures du siècle. En fait ils ne reconnaissent pas les diplômes étrangers alors qu’ils sont convaincus de la médiocrité de leur système éducatif par rapport aux autres pays industrialisés.

Maintenant que j’ai un MBA en systèmes d’information (summa cum laude) et un certificat en informatique délivrés tous les deux par des universités québécoises, les perspectives d’emploi ne sont pas plus reluisantes. J’ai les diplômes certes mais on me reproche toujours de ne pas avoir d’expérience locale (aux chiottes mes cinq années d’expérience en France et au Maroc). Qu’est-ce qu’elle a de si particulier cette fameuse expérience canadienne ? Le froid ? Que ce soit à Kaboul ou à Chabigamou les ordinateurs et le corps humain fonctionnent toujours selon les mêmes principes. Pourtant on oppose toutes les formes de résistance aux médecins étrangers alors qu’il y a des dizaines de personnes qui crèvent sur les listes d’attentes tous les mois. En définitive, je pense qu’on a affaire à une société suicidaire. Une société qui est fière de son arrogance. Une société qui ne se reproduit pas assez pour perdurer. Une société où le PIB est l’un des plus importants au monde mais où en contrepartie le taux de suicide est aussi l’un des plus élevés au monde.

Cela dit, comment faire pour acquérir de l’expérience locale si personne ne veut vous offrir un emploi ou un stage qui soit en rapport avec votre domaine de spécialisation. Personnellement ça ne me dérange pas de recommencer au bas de l’échelle mais je ne vois pas comment je pourrais redevenir consultant si je me mets à livrer de la pizza ou à conduire un taxi. Je n’ai quand même pas misé autant d’argent dans leur système scolaire à la con pour qu’on me propose des emplois à 7 $/ l’heure.

Bref ce n’est ni un problème de diplômes ni un problème d’expérience. Il s’agit là de deux arguments fallacieux dont le but est de cacher les vraies motivations derrière la politique d’immigration du Québec. Arnaquer des jeunes désespérés en leur vendant des rêves, en les dépossédant de leurs économies et leur proposant des jobs à rabais lorsqu’ils n’ont plus le choix.


3eme: la mauvaise expérience quebecoise

Je reviens de Montreal d'ou j'ai vécu 7 mois, ville que je n'ai absoluement pas appréciée par son architecture, par ses nombreuses facades abimées, taguées, et surtout détruites. Je pensais être en banlieu, plutot qu'en centre ville.
L'hiver a été le plus horrible de ma vie, avec des -40 degrés et très peu d'infrastructures pour rester au chaud. La ville sous terraine m'a bien déçue, si petite !!! entre 2 station de métro.Et pour répondre aux commentaires elle est en effet grande par rapport à d'autres villes dans le monde, mais le plus décevant c'est surtout que les meilleurs magasins abordables à tous budgets sont en fait surtout sur de grandes rues qui necessitent des passages en extérieur. Les routes sont très abimées a cause des différences de températures, et les creuvésons en voiture en deviennent un calvaire.
Les prix sont plus élévés que l'euro, et lorsqu'on met le prix en euro il devient alors équivalent, en sachant que le salaire d'une personne sans diplome est très faible, et surtout qu'aucun diplome francais n'est reconnu...Je suis éducatrice spécialisée et mon diplome n'étant pa reconnu j'ai travaillé dans une patisserie en tant que commis, en touchant 8 dollars de l'heure, ce qui fait 5 euros ..., donc je ne comptais pas la dessus pour revenir riche en france en reconvertissant ce miséreux salaire. Je suis d'ailleur revenu fauchée lol.
Le manque de main d'oeuvre est impressionnant, il n'y a pas une boutique sans affiche de recherche d'employé. C'est simple en une journée de recherche j'avais 5 entreprises qui voulais me garder et me faire travailler le lendemain. On se demande vraiment pourquoi il ne reconnaisse pas les diplomes étrangers ???
Le système de santé est très cher et encore plus pour les immigrés, compter environ 75 dollars pour une visite chez le medecin, et 20 dollars pour un canadien. Mieux vaut ne pas tomber malade, malheureusement ça n'a pa été mon cas...
Quelques pubs sympas, mais les boites de nuit ferment a 3h du matin!!! trop trop tot !!!
J'ai visité des jolis parcs naturels, hormis les parkings parfois payant et la promenade également, il n'ya rien a dire c'est vraiment beau. Les écureuils aux pieds, la nature très verte, les grands lacs, de très beaux souvenirs.
En voyage d'une ou 2 semaines, le canada reste très agréable pour ses forets et sa végétation très belle, mais y vivre non merci !
Je conseillerai de faire une visite rapide de Montréal d'un jour ou 2, mais il faut surtout monter au nord, c'est bien plus beau, la ville de quebec est également beaucoup plus jolie.
Moi qui adorais la neige, et qui ne pouvais pas me passer d'une semaine de ski par an, je crois que je vais attendre quelques t'emps avant de retrouver la neige.
Peut etre parce que j'ai toujours vécu dans le sud, mais 9 mois d'hiver c'est trop pour moi...



Source : www.bonacte.com /
Sujet : mauvaises experiences au Quebec

L’intégration des Marocains au Canada ; un chemin long et difficile

Après plusieurs années de procédures administratives, les Marocains arrivent au pays de l’érable. De cette émigration, ils attendent beaucoup. Mais leur intégration reste un chemin parsemé d’épines. 

 

Armés d'optimisme, disposant dans leur majorité de formations qualifiantes et d'expériences professionnelles, des Marocains émigrent au Canada. Ils ont, pour ce faire, dépensé en moyenne 40 000 DH par personne pour les frais de procédure et de visa, parfois plus quand ils ont fait appel à des intermédiaires, tels que les consultants en immigration. Une fois sur place, il leur faut financer leur installation et disposer de suffisamment d'argent pour vivre pendant plusieurs mois en attendant de trouver un travail.

Des débuts difficiles

Quand les moyens sont limités, les débuts sont durs. Se loger, trouver un premier emploi ou s'acclimater au grand froid sont autant de difficultés qui entravent l'installation des nouveaux migrants marocains. Les données officielles montrent qu'en moyenne, un Marocain a besoin de plus de deux ans pour décrocher son premier emploi au Québec.

Le chômage touche plus 30% des Marocains du Canada. La sélection canadienne se fait sur les critères de l'âge, de l'instruction et de l'expérience professionnelle. Une fois sur place, les portes ont du mal à s'ouvrir. Au Canada, les diplômes universitaires et les formations qualifiantes ne sont pas reconnus. Retour donc aux bancs de l'apprentissage et de la mise à niveau. Les migrants n'étant pas encore naturalisés, il leur faut payer le prix fort. Souvent, ils contractent des prêts bancaires, qu'ils doivent rembourser sur plusieurs années. Qu'il s'agisse de juristes, d'avocats, d'architectes ou de médecins, il est impossible d'exercer son métier sans passer par des nouvelles formations. Ensuite, il faut avoir l'homologation des ordres des professions. Un vrai casse-tête pour les primo-arrivants. L'influence des syndicats et des ordres professionnels est tellement forte que le Québec reste un pays très corporatif.
Les immigrants marocains sont jeunes (entre 30 et 45 ans), hautement instruits et francophones. Mais les conditions d'intégration restent difficiles, à commencer par l'accès au marché de l'emploi. Nombre de hauts cadres se retrouvent ainsi obligés de vivre des minimas sociaux (Bien-être social). Ils sont des milliers à être contraints d'exercer des sous métiers. Il est ainsi très courant de rencontrer un architecte faisant fonction de courtier d'immobilier, un médecin exerçant comme aide-soignant ou chauffeur de taxi. Que de familles se retrouvent ainsi au bout de la première année de résidence au Canada ! Elles sont nombreuses bien qu'il n'existe pas données sur la question qui reste comme un tabou. Ceux qui réussissent leur intégration sont, pour la plupart, arrivés jeunes, ont étudié et obtenu des diplômes canadiens. Les autres doivent emprunter des sentiers jalonnés d'obstacles. L'intégration des Marocains au Canada se passe beaucoup dans la douleur.

Le nombre des Marocains qui s'installent au Canada n'a cessé d'augmenter depuis trois décennies. Selon Statistique Canada, ils sont plus de 110 000 aujourd'hui. Dans leur majorité, ils choisissent le Québec, la province francophone. Près de 88% résident dans la région métropolitaine de Montréal. Les Marocains des provinces anglophones représentent une minorité (12%), ils résident en Ontario, principalement à Toronto et à Ottawa. Ils sont 55 000 enregistrés auprès du consulat général du Maroc à Montréal. L'immigration marocaine représente 8,1% de l'immigration canadienne totale. Elle dépasse l'immigration française, devenant la plus importante du Canada, juste après l'immigration chinoise. Entre 2004 et 2008, le Maroc s'est classé comme le troisième pays de provenance des immigrants admis au Québec avec 16 406 nouveaux arrivants (7,4% du nombre total d'immigrants) dont 3579 en 2008 et 5400 en 2010. 62,1% des nouveaux arrivants ont 14 années de scolarité et plus. Les femmes en constituent la moitié. Par ailleurs, les Marocains sont la première communauté maghrébine du Canada. Ils se répartissent en quatre catégories. Celle des « travailleurs qualifiés », disposant d'un niveau d'instruction assez élevé. Vient ensuite celle du « regroupement familial » où, le plus souvent, un résident permanent déjà installé fait venir sa famille au Canada. La troisième catégorie concerne les étudiants. Ils représentent 5% des étudiants étrangers au Québec, sans compter ceux qui ont la double nationalité. Dans les grandes universités, ce chiffre est beaucoup plus important. A l'université de Montréal, les étudiants marocains arrivent en deuxième place après les Français. Ils arrivent à réussir et à s'intégrer facilement. La quatrième catégorie, une minorité, est celle des « investisseurs et d'entrepreneurs » admis en tant que migrants qui sont de l'ordre d'un millier.

Avant de partir outre- Atlantique, les immigrants devraient ainsi s'informer davantage sur les possibilités de carrière. Aujourd'hui, ce sont les «petits métiers» qui marchent. La baisse démographique que connaît le pays entraîne des pénuries de main d'œuvre dans les secteurs des services, du bâtiment ou l'alimentation.

Source : Fouzia Benyoub - www.dimabladna.ma

Non A La Double Peine : Dany Villanueva

En janvier dernier, Dany Villanueva a appris que l’Agence des Services Frontaliers du Canada (ASFC) avait l’intention d’entamer des procédures pour tenter de lui retirer son statut de résident permanent et ainsi l’expulser du Canada.


Dany est le grand frère de Fredy Villanueva qui a été tué par un policier de la ville de Montréal en août 2008. Une enquête publique est présentement en cours pour établir les causes et circonstances de ce décès et Dany est un témoin clé puisqu’il a assisté à l’intervention qui a coûté la vie à son frère.

D’ailleurs, le moment choisi pour entamer les procédures de renvoi contre Dany est hautement suspect. Ces procédures équivalent à une tentative d’ingérence de l’ASFC dans l’enquête publique sur la mort de Fredy. Elles provoquent, entre autres, le ressassement médiatique du passé criminel de Dany qui, disons-le, a déjà payé sa dette à la société. Ces procédures le forcent aussi à participer à l’enquête publique dans un état de stress intolérable, alors qu’il est menacé d’être déporté au Honduras, un pays qu’il a à peine connu puisqu’il vit au Canada avec sa famille depuis l’âge de 12 ans et est résident permanent du Canada depuis 1998.

Ces démarches créent également un fardeau insupportable pour la famille Villanueva. En effet, elle doit non seulement poursuivre avec diligence sa quête de vérité en se présentant à l’enquête publique sur la mort d’un de ses fils aux mains de la police, mais aussi vivre avec la crainte de voir un autre de ses fils expulsé du pays.
 


Les procédures à l’endroit de Dany exposent l’injustice de la « double peine » contre les immigrant-es reconnu-es coupables de crimes. Que ce soit clair : Dany a déjà été puni par le système judiciaire pour sa condamnation criminelle. Or, l’État s’apprête à le punir doublement en initiant des procédures d’expulsion contre lui. La « double peine » cible particulièrement les immigrant-es pauvres et les jeunes de couleur, victimes du profilage social et racial de la part de la police. Le mot réhabilitation, si cher à notre système pénal, n’est semble-t-il applicable que pour les Canadiens de souche.

Nous demandons à toutes et à tous de dénoncer la situation intenable imposée à la famille Villanueva par l’Agence des services frontaliers du Canada.

Source : No One Is Illegal - Montreal

Menacée d'Expulsion Malgré Une Grossesse A Risque

Malgré les contre-indications de professionnels de la santé, le gouvernement du Canada compte expulser, demain, une femme qui souffre d'une grossesse à risque. Mariée à un citoyen canadien, la future mère de 42 ans craint de se retrouver seule et ostracisée dans un pays où les soins de maternité sont presque inexistants.

Sayon Camara a quitté la Guinée pour le Canada il y a quatre ans. La femme de 42 ans a fui un mari violent dont elle était la troisième femme. Celui-ci lui a infligé des sévices si cruels que son corps est marqué à jamais de cicatrices, dont une brûlure au fer à repasser sur le sein gauche.


À son arrivée au pays en 2006, Mme Camara a demandé le statut de réfugiée. Sa requête a été rejetée un an plus tard.

Entre-temps, elle s'est liée d'amitié avec Abdoul Sow, un homme de 47 ans issu de la communauté guinéenne de Montréal. En mars 2008, ils se sont mariés dans une mosquée de la métropole.

Or, les autorités canadiennes refusent de reconnaître leur union. Selon l'avocat de Mme Camara, Stuart Istvanffy, Citoyenneté et Immigration Canada a conclu qu'il s'agissait d'un mariage fait pour éviter l'expulsion, l'argument principal étant que M. Sow a travaillé quelques mois dans l'Ouest canadien.

«Tout ce que je veux sur cette terre, c'est passer ma vie avec elle, dit M. Sow, qui travaille aujourd'hui comme commis d'épicerie à Saint-Laurent. La renvoyer en Guinée, c'est risquer de la livrer à la mort.»

Grossesse à risque

Il y a environ six mois, Mme Camara est tombée enceinte. Un grand bonheur pour le couple, d'autant plus que Mme Camara a fait une fausse couche à l'hiver 2009.

«Malgré notre mariage devant toute la communauté guinéenne et le fait que nous allons avoir un enfant, ma demande pour parrainer ma femme a été refusée. Je ne comprends pas ce qu'ils veulent de plus. Nous sommes même disposés à faire un test de paternité», a indiqué M. Sow.

Le 25 janvier, le couple a reçu un appel. L'Agence des services frontaliers du Canada leur a annoncé que Mme Camara devait se présenter à l'aéroport le 19 février pour son expulsion.

«Ma femme a été prise de panique. Elle ne voulait pas partir, car elle se sentait malade. Elle est allée se cacher chez l'une de ses amies sans m'avertir. Le jour de l'expulsion, je l'ai cherchée partout, en vain. À son retour, je l'ai remise aux autorités, qui l'on fait détenir plusieurs jours.»

Lors de son séjour en détention, Mme Camara a reçu les résultats d'examens médicaux. Son médecin a découvert qu'elle souffre depuis plusieurs années de diabète de type 2. Conjuguée à un âge avancé et à un problème d'obésité, cette maladie est dangereuse pour les vies de la mère et de l'enfant.

«On parle d'une femme de 42 ans qui est obèse et qui doit se piquer à l'insuline environ cinq fois par jour, a expliqué sa sage-femme, Isabelle Brabant. Les risques de malformation, de macrosomie et de mort intra-utérine du bébé sont très élevés, tellement qu'aujourd'hui, elle est suivie à la clinique de grossesse à risque de l'hôpital Maisonneuve-Rosemont.»

Vendredi, Mme Camara a été convoquée à une rencontre au cours de laquelle on lui a annoncé qu'elle serait finalement expulsée demain. Lors de la rencontre, Mme Brabant a déposé une lettre cosignée avec le médecin de Mme Camara expliquant les risques de la grossesse. Malgré cela, la femme enceinte a été emprisonnée au Centre de prévention de l'immigration à Laval.

«Ça n'a pas de bon sens. C'est une patiente qui a besoin d'échographies périodiques et de soins spécialisés qui ne sont pas offerts en Guinée, a déploré Isabelle Brabant. Il n'y a pas de famille richissime qui l'attend. On met clairement en jeu la santé et la vie de l'enfant. Et ce, sans compter le stress de la détention et du voyage.»

«Il y a clairement de l'acharnement dans ce cas-là. On est face à des fonctionnaires zélés», a ajouté Anne-Marie Bellemare, travailleuse sociale attitrée au dossier qui a travaillé quatre ans au Centre de prévention de l'immigration.

Selon un rapport de l'UNICEF intitulé La situation des enfants dans le monde 2009, 150 enfants sur 1000 nés en Guinée trouvent la mort avant l'âge de 5 ans. Ce taux de mortalité infantile est 25 fois plus élevé que celui du Canada.

Le directeur des communications du bureau du ministre de l'Immigration, Jason Kenny, n'a pas voulu répondre aux questions de La Presse, invoquant la Loi sur la protection des renseignements personnels. «Lorsque quelqu'un a utilisé tous ses recours légaux, comme il est stipulé dans la Loi sur l'immigration et la protection des réfugiés, l'ordre d'expulsion doit être exécuté dans les plus brefs délais», a écrit Alykhan Velshi dans un courriel.

Cet après-midi, une requête en révision de détention sera entendue au complexe Guy Favreau, à Montréal. Une procédure de demande d'aide humanitaire et de compassion est également pendante. Des groupes communautaires tiendront une conférence de presse dans le hall de l'établissement pour dénoncer la situation aujourd'hui à midi.



Source : La Presse 26 Avril 2010

Le Tabou Du Profilage

C'est l'histoire d'une femme noire en banlieue de Montréal. Elle sort de l'église, elle rentre chez elle en voiture. Des policiers la suivent. Ils allument les gyrophares et l'arrêtent. Ils lui demandent si c'est sa voiture. Oui, c'est sa voiture. Ils veulent voir son permis de conduire. Elle leur demande s'il y a un problème. Ils lui disent qu'elle a brûlé un feu rouge. Elle leur dit qu'il n'y a pas de feu sur la route qui mène de l'église à sa maison. «Ils sont allés vérifier sur l'ordinateur dans leur voiture et n'ont rien trouvé. Ils ont dit qu'ils allaient me coller une contravention, mais pas cette fois-ci. Ils m'ont laissée partir.»


C'est le genre de témoignages tout aussi anodins que troublants qu'on peut lire dans le document de consultation sur le profilage racial rendu public hier par la Commission des droits de la personne. Une sorte de préambule aux audiences publiques qui auront lieu du 26 mai au 10 juin sur cette question taboue.

En ces temps où on n'aborde la question de la diversité culturelle que sous l'angle des accommodements raisonnables, la démarche de la Commission a le mérite d'attirer notre attention sur une réalité trop souvent niée que l'on aurait tort de négliger.

Oui, le profilage racial existe. Non, il ne s'agit pas d'un moyen efficace de faire respecter la loi. En fait, c'est tout le contraire. Pour faire respecter la loi lorsqu'un crime est commis, il s'agit d'abord de découvrir le crime en question et ensuite de partir à la recherche de la personne qui l'a probablement commis. Le profilage, c'est l'inverse. On trouve d'abord un suspect et on se met ensuite à la recherche du crime qu'il aurait pu commettre(1).

Cette discrimination insidieuse, qui mine la confiance des citoyens touchés, ne vise pas que les jeunes des minorités de Montréal-Nord. «Les professionnels noirs ne sont pas traités différemment des jeunes de la rue. Ce n'est pas ce que vous êtes qui compte, c'est ce que vous paraissez être», m'a dit en marge de la conférence de presse Emerson Douyon, commissaire d'origine haïtienne qui a notamment participé au rapport Bellemare sur les relations entre la police et les minorités. M. Emerson en sait quelque chose, lui qui a plusieurs fois été victime de profilage, même si l'on pourrait difficilement le confondre avec un petit gangster (voir le texte de Louise Leduc). On ne doit pas banaliser les conséquences que ce genre de discrimination peut avoir sur des jeunes qui se font interpeller plusieurs fois par jour sans raison, avertit le psychologue de formation.

La forme la plus fréquente de profilage racial, d'après les 150 témoignages qu'a recueillis la Commission, provient de policiers qui interviennent auprès de jeunes de minorités. On sait que ces jeunes sont surveillés de plus près que l'ensemble de la population. Certains font valoir qu'il s'agit là d'un profilage criminel légitime qui s'appuie sur des observations objectives. Mais même en tenant compte de ces observations, on ne peut nier qu'il subsiste une politique subjective de «deux poids, deux mesures». La Commission souligne entre autres choses que, contrairement à la croyance populaire, le taux de criminalité à Montréal-Nord ou à Parc-Extension, deux quartiers où habite une importante population de minorités visibles, n'est pas plus élevé qu'à Hochelaga-Maisonneuve, quartier beaucoup plus blanc et homogène.

Même si les relations entre la Commission des droits de la personne et le Service de police de la Ville de Montréal sont pour le moins tendues, le SPVM compte participer aux audiences sur le profilage, ce qui est une bonne nouvelle. Est-ce à dire que la police admet que le profilage racial est un réel problème? Jean-Guy Gagnon, directeur adjoint au SPVM, ne va pas aussi loin. Il parle d'un nombre infime de plaintes sur 2 millions d'interventions par année. Il peut arriver que certains policiers, de «façon inconsciente», n'aient pas toujours «les comportements attendus», admet-il du bout des lèvres. C'est la raison pour laquelle le SPVM investit beaucoup de ressources dans la prévention du profilage racial.

Ces mesures ont-elles permis d'améliorer la situation sur le terrain? Emerson Douyon, qui a une longue expérience en la matière, est loin d'en être sûr. Il s'inquiète en fait du double discours de la police sur cette question. «Ce que nous avons remarqué, c'est qu'il y a toute une contradiction dans l'attitude des policiers. D'une part, ils nient l'existence du profilage dans leurs rangs et, d'autre part, ils donnent une formation sur le profilage racial.» Pour régler le problème, il faudra aller plus loin et ne pas se satisfaire de solutions de façade, prévient-il.

Il reste à souhaiter que la consultation sur le profilage permettra de lever le tabou et d'y arriver.

Source : Rima El Kouri - Cyberpresse 11 Mars 2010

Lettre Ouverte Aux Francais Desirants Immigrer Au Quebec

Aucun doute : Le Québec est l'endroit du monde où il est le plus facile d'immigrer. En 2004, il fut meme question d’offrir purement et simplement le visa de résident permanent aux étudiants étrangers ayant fait une partie de leurs études aux Québec. C’est dire ! Comparé aux politiques d'immigration restrictives en vigueur dans tous les autres pays du monde, le Québec fait définitivement figure de brave fille pas farouche pour un sou.


Seulement voilà… Faut-il se jeter corps et âme dans pareils bras si chaleureusement ouverts ? N'y a-t-il pas anguille sous roche ?

Laissons aux agents des services de l'immigration du Québec à Paris le soin de continuer à dépeindre cet Eden où le lait et le miel coulent à flots. Ces bons apôtres font cela très bien : Avec 45.000 immigrants qui tombent chaque année dans leurs filets et qui dépensent chacun des milliers de dollars pour s’installer, faites le calcul ! Sans compter qu'après le lobby de l'immigration, il faut affronter le lobby des formations (payantes) puisque le Québec se moque des diplômes, des références et des expériences acquises hors de son auguste territoire. Tant qu'à presser le citron, autant le faire jusqu'à la dernière goutte !

Que le Québec ait un immense besoin de chair à canon francophone pour assouvir diverses arrières pensées stratégiques est une chose. Mais que leurs agents de l’immigration ne cessent, depuis des années, de sillonner les routes de France* à la recherche de pigeons auxquels ils racontent n'importe quoi (comme on va le voir) il est grand temps de réagir...

* Leurs "séances d'information", continuelles et gratuites (ben voyons !), peuvent être consultées ici :

http://www.immigration-quebec.gouv.qc.ca/fr/biq/paris/seances/index.asp

Nous allons donc présenter la face cachée du Québec, afin que les candidats francophones à l'immigration puissent enfin être en mesure de peser le pour et le contre. Dans un souci d'impartialité - pour ne pas dire de raffinement - nous citerons majoritairement des auteurs québécois faisant autorité, et publiés par des médias québécois. La plupart de ces citations sont extraites d’études scientifiques dont les sources sont toujours mentionnées.

Qu'on veuille quitter la France est compréhensible. Le tout est de savoir où poser ses bagages afin de ne pas échouer dans un endroit pire encore, et éviter ainsi de commettre la même erreur que tant d'autres ont déjà commise.

Mais d’abord, sept petits conseils pour ceux qui sont sur le point de partir, ou déjà sur place :

1. Le visa permanent obtenu par le biais d'une Délégation Générale du Québec n'oblige absolument pas à résider au Québec. On peut parfaitement ne jamais y mettre les pieds et aller s'établir ailleurs, à Vancouver, Toronto ou Calgary (innocents exemples cités au hasard). La citoyenneté canadienne sera accordée exactement de la même façon, en déposant une demande après trois ans de résidence. Autre détail important : Une fois arrivé dans une autre province canadienne, ne vous présentez pas comme québécois, mais bien comme français. Vous serez beaucoup mieux accueilli. Les Québécois sont en effet très mal vus dans le reste du Canada.

2. Le racisme anti-français n’existe qu’au Québec, pas dans les autres provinces. Pourquoi ? Parce que les québécois considèrent souvent les français comme arrogants, prétentieux et donneurs de leçons, ce qui n’est pas toujours faux. Cela dit, les français installés au Québec ne sont pas en reste : Ils considèrent le plus souvent les québécois comme incultes, superficiels et ultra-matérialistes, ce qui n’est pas faux non plus.

3. Bien que le processus d'immigration soit autrement plus complexe et sélectif que ne l'est celui du Québec, deux autres destinations méritent d’être étudiées : Les États-Unis et l'Australie. Signalons aussi que la Suisse vient d'ouvrir ses portes à l'immigration en provenance de quelques pays de la CEE, dont la France. Il n'est donc plus du tout indispensable d'être très fortuné pour aller s'y établir.

4. Les provinces canadiennes intéressantes pour les immigrants sont toutes situées à l’ouest du Québec (une bonne pratique de l’anglais est indispensable). Les provinces situées à l’est du Québec, oubliez-les.

5. Si vous êtes envoyé au Québec par le gouvernement français pour un poste de fonctionnaire expatrié ou si vous êtes détaché d’une grande entreprise vers l’une de ses filiales (L'Oréal, Axa, Alcatel et consorts), alors vous ne devriez pas avoir trop de problèmes car un logement et un emploi sont supposés vous attendre. En revanche, si vous émigrez de votre propre initiative, avec ou sans votre famille, vous ne tarderez pas à comprendre que le Québec n’a strictement rien à vous offrir, surtout si vous êtes un « maudit français », comme on vous appellera ici (mais jamais en face).

6. Nous recommandons fortement la lecture du livre intitulé (ironiquement) « Bienvenue au Québec » (Gérard Quoilin, Éditions l'Harmattan, 1998). Remarquez le piège à rats sur la couverture ! Parfait symbole en effet...


(Notez que la date de parution de ce livre est instructive car elle démontre que l'arnaque ne date pas d'hier et que tous les gouvernements du Québec, quelle que soit leur orientation politique, ont eu recours au bétail francophone et à ses devises)


7. Dans la même veine que le livre que nous venons de citer, nous recommandons aussi la visite des sites suivants :

a) Site s’adressant aux français désirant émigrer :

http://www.immigrer-contact.com/main.php3?action=accueil

b) Pour ceux qui veulent quitter le Québec :

http://www.quitterlequebec.com/

c) Un témoignage instructif :

http://www.gabuzomeu.com/quebec/article.php3?id_article=19

d) Vidéo de Français arnaqués :

http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2wp6_face-cachee-de-limmigration-au-queb_blog

Source : Une Francaise Au Quebec

Atteintes Aux Droits Humains Dans Les Prisons Canadiennes

Amnesty International demande au solliciteur général du Canada de mener sans délai une enquête exhaustive, après de récentes informations faisant état de nouvelles violences à l’encontre d’Albert Duterville à la prison de Port-Cartier.


Amnesty International a, à deux reprises, écrit au solliciteur général à propos de M. Duterville, pour lui demander de faire procéder à une enquête et de garantir la sécurité de M. Duterville.

Selon des rapports dignes de foi, M. Duterville aurait été battu plus de vingt fois depuis son incarcération en 1990.

Albert Duterville est un ressortissant haïtien, ancien membre de la police haïtienne. Arrivé à Montréal en 1981, il y avait obtenu le statut de réfugié. En 1990, Albert Duterville a été condamné pour meurtre à la prison à vie, sans possibilité de libération conditionnelle avant quinze ans.

Les autorités pénitentiaires ont transféré Albert Duterville de plusieurs centres de détention en raison des violences régulièrement subies par lui aux mains des autres prisonniers. Depuis 1997, il est isolé des autres détenus pour sa propre protection. Huit prisonniers ont vu leurs peines d’emprisonnement aggravées de six mois supplémentaires après les faits survenus en août 1996, au cours desquels cinquante prisonniers auraient attaqué M. Duterville à coups de barres de fer et de battes de base-ball.

Selon certaines informations, les 18 et 27 juin de cette année, M. Duterville, qui se déplace avec difficulté, habituellement avec des béquilles ou en chaise roulante, aurait été arrosé de gaz lacrymogène et battu par des gardiens de la prison de Port-Cartier. Il aurait été laissé sans soins pendant plusieurs jours.

Amnesty International est très préoccupée par les informations transmises par l’avocat de M. Duterville, selon lesquelles les violences récentes qu’aurait subies son client seraient dues au fait qu’Amnesty International a attiré l’attention sur son cas et que des chaînes de télévision auraient parlé de sa situation.

L’organisation appelle les autorités canadiennes à faire en sorte qu’Albert Duterville soit protégé de manière adéquate de toute violence future et que ses droits fondamentaux soient respectés. Toute personne soupçonnée de n’avoir pas respecté les droits fondamentaux de M. Duterville doit être amenée à rendre des comptes devant la justice.

Pour obtenir de plus amples informations, veuillez contacter le Service de presse d'Amnesty International à Londres, au +44 20 7413 5566, ou consulter le site http://www.amnesty.org/

Source : Amnesty International

Les Espoirs Déçus Des Immigrants Français

A French Guy Speaking,

Je suis venu de France et je suis au Québec depuis bientôt 32 ans. C'est vrai que la province est mal «armée» pour accueillir autant d'immigrants, lesquels sont de plus en plus «hétérogènes». Votre texte dit simplement la vérité. N'en déplaise à qui que ce soit.


Le Québec, c'est merveilleux si vous crevez de faim dans votre pays ou s'il y a la guerre. Sinon c'est un pensez-y bien et plutôt deux fois qu'une... Les paysages, c'est bien, mais survivre ici, cela relève du parcours du combattant; et cela peut durer longtemps. Comme je suis un peu sado-maso, j'y suis encore après tant d'années... Mais, c'est surtout en Ontario que j'ai obtenu une «certaine» reconnaissance et un accueil digne de ce nom.

Certes, certains réussissent ici, comme partout ailleurs. Et si vous tournez en rond chez vous, vous tournerez en rond ici aussi. Le Québec, c'est un gros cul-de-sac. Terriblement attachant.

Alain Kadlec

Gatineau, Québec

L’auteur de cet article, Yann Takvorian, fait justement parler de lui dans La Presse de ce matin. Le quotidien publie un dossier sur «Les espoirs déçus des cousins français» et a interviewé plusieurs d’entre eux qui sont retournés outre-Atlantique après un séjour décevant en terre québécoise. M. Takvorian, qui maintient le site Immigrer-contact.com, est lui-même retourné en France récemment, après avoir passé 12 ans ici.

Il y a bien des raisons qui expliquent ces espoirs déçus. Yann Takvorian en soulève quelques-unes dans l’article que nous avons publié, notamment que le gouvernement du Québec fait du recrutement à outrance et dore la pilule aux immigrants potentiels, ce qui garantit que les attentes de plusieurs seront déçues. Il suggère aussi aux Québécois de régler leurs problèmes de société (basse natalité, programmes sociaux en faillite, impôts élevés, etc.) au lieu de penser pouvoir les résoudre avec des immigrants.

Il a certainement réussi à mettre le doigt sur un problème sérieux dans la gestion de l’immigration. Malheureusement, son site contient aussi un tas de «témoignages» de la part de Français frustrés, qui réagissent comme des amoureux éconduits en déversant un fiel invraisemblable sur tout ce qui touche le Québec. La Presse rapporte plusieurs de ces propos et d’autres qu’on retrouve sur un autre site qualifié à juste titre de «défouloir anti-Québec». Des propos aussi crétins que les commentaires anti-Français qu’on entend dans la bouche de certains Québécois. La plupart de ces Français n'auraient jamais dû tenter l'expérience de l'immigration, et le Québec n'a rien à y voir.

J’ai eu l’occasion de côtoyer beaucoup d’immigrants au fil des ans, dont plusieurs Français, et j’ai pu constater des réactions extrêmes et totalement contradictoires. Pour certains, le Québec est un magnifique endroit où les gens sont ouverts et accueillants, et où il est facile de refaire sa vie parce qu’on n’y retrouve pas les rigidités des sociétés du vieux continent. Pour d’autres, c’est plutôt moche, on mange mal, c’est cher, les gens sont ignorants et refermés sur eux-mêmes, et si c’était à refaire ils auraient évité de venir perdre leur temps ici. La réalité est sans doute quelque part entre les deux. Le Québec n’est ni un eldorado, ni un trou de paumés.

Il est clair par ailleurs que quand on vient d’un pays prospère (malgré tout, si on compare avec Haïti ou la Chine) comme la France, avec un héritage culturel aussi riche, il faut avoir de bonnes raisons de venir refaire sa vie ici. Les opportunités de réussir ne sont pas tellement plus grandes – si elles le sont. Et plusieurs partent sur un coup de tête, parce qu’ils en ont marre des impasses politiques ou de l’insécurité dans les banlieues. Avec en tête une vision idéalisée du Québec, des grands espaces, des Français d'Amérique, etc. Il faut pourtant avoir de très bonnes raisons pour se déraciner ainsi socialement. C’est pourquoi, selon les données officielles, un Français sur cinq retourne en France. D’autres disent que cette proportion est encore plus élevée.

Évidemment, comme dans toute nouvelle qui relate des «problèmes de société» persistants, on peut en retracer la source chez nos amis les politiciens et les bureaucrates. On ne parle même pas ici du problème de base qui est que dans une société véritablement libre, il n’y aurait pas de politique d’immigration. Les gens pourraient s’installer où ils veulent, mais sans avoir droit à quelque privilège ou service étatisé que ce soit, et uniquement dans la mesure où ils trouveraient localement des gens avec qui transiger volontairement pour obtenir ce dont ils ont besoin (logement, emploi, services, etc.). Beaucoup d’immigrants qui viennent simplement nous parasiter n’auraient jamais reçu la bénédiction et les papiers officiels de l’État pour venir le faire et seraient restés chez eux. Et personne ne pourrait se plaindre d’avoir été berné.

Non, c’est bien plus simple. Toutes les personnes interviewées s’entendent pour dire que le vrai problème est la non-reconnaissance de leurs diplômes, notamment à cause des règles strictes des corporations professionnelles. Bref, les raisons habituelles: protectionnisme, corporatisme, niaisage bureaucratique. Jean Charest a promis de régler le problème avant les fêtes du 400e anniversaire de Québec. Croisez-vous les doigts…

Source : Martin Masse

Skilled Immigrants Demand Compensation

The Canadian government persists in giving away millions of dollars to bureaucrats, subcontractors, and “non-profit” agencies that have only done one thing right; being government-friendly beneficiaries of this lavish cronyism.


The government’s lack of leadership is solved by keeping its thick bureaucracy happy - just to lessen the public outcry. And of course, by being nice to their close friends who plunder the treasury, declare bankruptcy, or otherwise benefit from rich government contracts that pay well.

But in terms of immigration policy, taxation and the economy, who pays for this lack of vision? The ones who bring billions of dollars, not only in cash, but also in skills to Canada; independent/skilled immigrants. The government is directly responsible of this multibillion dollar fiasco, and so it has to be accountable for the de-skilling process and decapitalization that each foreign professional suffers as soon as he arrives here.

Just think about it for a second… Aren’t skilled/independent immigrants entitled to be retroactively compensated for this mismanagement? For example, if you (as a family doctor) had worked in your field of expertise, you would have made x amount of money every year, wouldn’t you? But because you were working as a taxi driver, caregiver, or something similar, your income was significatively lower. And for the "privilege" of working in a Brown Collar Ghetto, you get to pay taxes, GST, PST, health care premiums etc. Just like the well off Canadians do here in Canada; except they can afford it, you can't.

At the same time the rest of your hard earned money has been feeding the Canadian economy because you buy products and services in the Canadian market and that creates directly and indirectly jobs for Canadians. How many job counsellors, landlords, business owners, and political parties have benefited from immigrants? And what do we get in return?

Nothing.

We have to live in “bad” neighborhoods, not because we want to be in the midst of drug dealers, crowded, stinky, cockroach infested buildings, greasy spoon restaurants, liquor stores, pawn and pot shops, but because we can’t afford a house in a “good” neighborhood where many “Canadian professionals” live, where one can see trees, flowers, rivers instead.

Yes, we live in impoverished neighborhoods where we are condemned to remain silent, surrounded by marginalized Canadians with whom you can only talk about the weather because they never finished even basic schooling, or because they are on drugs, or simply for your own safety.

Maybe living in “good” neighborhoods doesn’t mean we are going to have interesting conversations with Canadian professionals, but at least we will have the chance to invite some educated people from other countries and guarantee them a minimum level of public safety.

Even the basics of food, and clothing are limited by our meager incomes. We have to buy our clothes in second hand stores or out of season, when they are on sale. We have to eat lots of industrialized food because the “organic” one is way more expensive. Look at who shops in fancy boutique grocery stores in trendy areas. Then look at who goes to the big box discount stores.

Many of the basic services are out of our reach: dentists, cars, car insurance, family vacations, cultural events, professional treatment by a family physician, good education for our kids.

Most of our kids go to schools where the grade 8 English teacher will be the Grade 9, 10, 11 English teacher. That same teacher will also teach Physical Education, give counseling, and if needed he teaches Social Studies too. Oh, don't forget how low the Canadian childcare services were rated by the OECD in 2004, nor how expensive postsecondary education is.

As you may see, we are paying way too much for the standard of living that this “strong” economy is giving us in return. And you know why? We, as foreign and visible minority professionals, along with our kids, have been marginalized from the mainstream society while this country shamelessly wastes our resources and compromises our kids’ future.

Therefore, if you think you deserve to be compensated for all the time you were unemployed or underemployed in Canada; we invite you to sign this letter by sending us a message with your name, surname, email address, profession, the province where you live in, and write "Professional Compensation" at the beginning of your message.

P.S. To all skilled immigrants who are about to leave this country, or those who have already left: You should be compensated too. Don't leave this country quietly and empty handed.

Sincerely,

Source : http://www.canadaimmigrants.com/

Does Injustice Make You Feel Safe ?

Mahmood Jaballah. Mohammed Majoub. Hassan Almrei. Mohamed Harkat. Adil Charakaoui. You might not recognize these names, but you should. All five men have been imprisoned for years at a time with no access to the charges or the evidence against them. Two are now out on bail, complying with severe restrictions, including in one case, being banned from speaking Arabic. All five men could face deportation to countries where they will be tortured. And this is happening in Canada-a country that prides itself on promoting human rights and civil liberties.The Secret Trial Five, as they are known, are all being held on "security certificates"-a draconian measure introduced 20 years ago that allows Canada to imprison non-citizens indefinitely without charges. Even the detainees' lawyers are not allowed to see the evidence against their clients. And what does it take to get an immigrant thrown in jail? Two signatures-one from the immigration minister and one from the minister of public safety, in this case, Stockwell Day. Yep, the same guy who has been quoted saying he believes that the Earth is only 6,000 years old, and that homosexuality is a "mental disorder that can be cured by counselling." CSIS officials make their case behind closed doors, and two politicians get to decide whether or not a person will have to endure years of Kafkaesque hell. So, why should queer people in Canada care about five Muslim men who have been accused of terrorism? Some would argue that restrictions on human rights are a necessary precaution, in the face of the Osama Bin Ladens of the world. But according to Gary Kinsman, a sociology professor at Laurentian University, Canadian gays and lesbians should be alarmed, because the ways that Muslim men are being targeted by the RCMP and CSIS mirrors the ways that gays were targeted in the 1960s and '70s. Kinsman has studied the RCMP's surveillance of gays and lesbians in Canada. This included the purging of thousands of queer people from the Canadian civil service, and the use of the "fruit machine"-a device that was designed to identify homosexuals by showing people pornography and measuring the dilation of their pupils. The theory was that homosexuals were vulnerable to blackmailing by Soviet agents, who could have extracted state secrets by threatening to reveal their sexuality."It's important to remind people that lesbians and gay men were major targets from 1958 onwards," says Kinsman. "The RCMP would go to community organizations and ask about people's practices. They would harass people's families. In the 1970s, the RCMP conducted pretty specific surveillance on gay and lesbian organizations. At the first gay march in Ottawa in 1971, the RCMP was watching. They targeted not just individuals, but entire social movements. And people had no idea what evidence had been collected about them."According to In The Shadow Of The Law, a report published by the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group, in "hundreds" of instances, Arab and Muslim people in Canada "are being visited for interviews by security forces without warrants, and taken away for interrogation. Although the full extent of Bill C-36 [so-called 'anti-terror' legislation swiftly passed by Parliament in 2001] was not implemented in these cases, it has been used as a threat to 'encourage' voluntary interviews by citing the risk of preventative detention allowed under the Act. Victims of such police conduct have been afraid to come forward publicly for fear of further retaliation."Some may not be surprised that Stephen Harper's government is unwilling to repeal the most egregious elements of Canada's anti-terrorism legislation. And the pressure from the US to join George Bush's War on Terror continues to escalate. The US State Department's annual Country Report on Terrorism called Canada a "safe haven" for Islamic terrorists, saying that political fallout from the Maher Arar case has created a chill between Canadian and US intelligence agencies.Kinsman believes it's the increasing integration of Canadian and US foreign policy that leaves us vulnerable to terrorism, not the imagined actions of individual Arab and Muslim immigrants. He cites Canada's newfound role in Afghanistan and the logistical and material support that Canada is providing to the US occupation of Iraq.Kinsman rejects the notion that immigrants should be the targeted, especially in the those cases involving security certificates, where the government hasn't been required to produce one shred of evidence to support the (top secret) charges being levelled at Jaballah, Majoub, Almrei, Harkat and Charakaoui."We should remember that until 1976, it was illegal for lesbians and gay men to immigrate to Canada," said Kinsman. "If gays and lesbians have learned anything about our history, we should stand in solidarity with the people who are being targeted today."And despite the millions of dollars spent and thousands of lives ruined by the RCMP's campaign against homosexuals, not one confirmed case of Soviet blackmail ever emerged.This month, the Supreme Court of Canada will be hearing Adil Charakaoui's appeal of his detention, ruling on whether or not security certificates are constitutionally valid. Let's not leave it to future historians to condemn security certificates as a black mark against Canada's human rights record.

Source : Ariel Troster, Egale Canada - June 2006

Do We Have Two-tier Citizenship In Canada ?

Canada fully understands and appreciates and shares the United States' concerns with regard to security. However, the Canadian government has every right to go to bat when it believes one of its citizens has been treated unfairly by another government. - Stephen Harper, 26 Jan. 2007
These words, spoken after settlement of the Maher Arar affair, were crafted to allay suspicions about Mr. Harper's willingness to stand up to the Bush administration on matters of Canadian sovereignty. However, in view of Ottawa's defence of the gulag that is Guantanamo, and its fear of upsetting Washington by allowing Canadian citizen Abousfian Abdelrazik to return from Sudan, we can be forgiven for suspecting that our PM is indeed beholden to George W. Bush.
For many immigrants to this great land, the post-9/11 era is one of insecurity, in which they wonder: What value is my Canadian passport when travelling abroad? Will my government stand up for my basic rights, or trade them to curry favour with certain regimes?
By placing politics above principles on the Omar Khadr and Abdelrazik files, our government has brought into question the value of citizenship, and raised the ugly spectre of discrimination against Arabs and Muslims.
Given government complicity in the rendition of Mr. Arar; the apparent collusion with foreign security services in the detention and alleged torture of Abdullah Almalki, Ahmad El Maati and Muayyed Nureddin; the use of secret evidence to detain immigrants (Hassan Almrei, Adil Charkaoui, Mohamed Harkat, Mahmoud Jaballah and Mohamed Zeki Mahjoub); and the plights of Mr. Khadr and Mr. Abdelrazik, it is clear that suspicion of the "other" has played a key role in the suspension of civil liberties of Muslim and Arab men.
These examples also send a sharp message to Canadian Muslims and Arabs: "Our security agencies will co-operate with the worst of the worst if we, or the Americans, have suspicions about you. Your Canadian citizenship means nothing, and your government will let you languish in a hellhole if need be."
Furthermore, the contrast between the government's treatment of Mr. Khadr and Mr. Abdelrazik with that of Brenda Martin leave many wondering about the existence of two-tiered citizenship. Or, as Mr. Abdelrazik explained his detention: "The Canadian government has a racist mind. It is because I am black and Muslim."
Conservative supporters will counter with the federal government's stand on Huseyin Celil, a Canadian Muslim imprisoned in China. But this has more to do with the governing party's dislike of Beijing. If the Conservatives acted on principle, rather than politics, they would not distinguish among Mr. Celil, Mr. Khadr and Mr. Abdelrazik, and safeguard their human rights equally.
The spectre of discrimination was also raised last year in an open letter to Mr. Harper by Joe Clark, Lloyd Axworthy, Flora MacDonald, Bill Graham, John Manley and Pierre Pettigrew, who wrote: "The quest for genuine human security must be rooted in international human-rights standards: basic and hard-won standards for the just treatment of all people, everywhere, all the time and under all circumstances - no exceptions. This is especially true in times of danger and public anxiety when governments use so-called 'necessity' to justify the abuse of some people, often those who are already the targets of discrimination." We should uphold these noble principles by also demanding the just treatment of Mohamed el-Attar, an Egyptian-Canadian imprisoned in Egypt on espionage charges. Mr. El-Attar claims he was tortured into providing a confession.
Exacerbation of racism at times of public anxiety is not new. Our own history is replete with episodes of abuses in which the collective rights of identifiable groups were trampled in the name of security. During both world wars, the government interned Canadians of various ethnicities. With the ope ration of the War Measures Act, hundreds of innocent Quebeckers were rounded up on suspicion of indépendentiste leanings. And since the events of Sept. 11, 2001, Muslims and Arabs have come under suspicion - especially if they oppose American and/or Canadian foreign policy.
By all means, let's be vigilant about our security. Yet, in a manner that is consistent with values of basic human decency. Let's not repeat the mistakes of our past, remembering that government excesses cannot be left unchallenged. Canadians of good conscience must join together to fight for basic human dignity of their fellow citizens. With each fresh revelation about human-rights violations perpetrated in the name of security, we must heighten our vigilance against abuses of power, and demand due process for those who are detained or exiled unjustly.

Source : Globe And Mail - August 2008

'It Is An Absolutely Crazy Life'

Adil Charkaoui nears the four-year mark of living under virtual house arrest without being charged with any crime
At 7 on a minus-30C morning, Adil Charkaoui descends the steps of his Anjou duplex with his 5-year-old son and 7-year-old daughter in tow. He has three things in his hands: a coffee, La Presse and a GPS tracking system allowing Canadian authorities to monitor every move he makes throughout his day.
But before he's allowed to back out of his driveway, Charkaoui, 35, must have two more things: a green light on the walkie-talkie-like GPS - signaling that Canada Border Services Agency is awake and watching - and his dad.
Seventy-one-year-old Mohammed appears from the lower duplex and trudges down the steps, his breath coming in puffs into the crisp air. The door of the Volkswagen is frozen shut, so he climbs in on the driver's side and squeezes his heavy frame over the gearshift and into the passenger seat.
With his two children in the back seat, Charkaoui sets off for their school - a 45-minute drive across the island - before heading to Canada Border Services Agency on St. Antoine St. W. to make his weekly, mandatory appearance.
Pulling his dad along the icy sidewalk, he enters the front door of the building, bringing with him a gust of bone-chilling wind. Security guards recognize him and ask how the children are, and if he's still fighting his case. Charkaoui flashes a smile and gives an update on the family and his legal saga that began six years ago when he was picked up under a security certificate, a tool under immigration law that allows non-citizens to be detained without charge and face deportation.
Ottawa says Charkaoui has ties to terrorists, a charge he has vehemently denied since the beginning but finds difficult to prove. Under a security certificate, unlike a charge under the Criminal Code, neither Charkaoui nor his lawyers have the right to see the intelligence gathered against him, making it nearly impossible to launch a defence.
Up on the second floor, he walks past the myriad of would-be immigrants dozing in their chairs to a free wicket. The man behind the glass greets Charkaoui by name, shrugs as he once again initials the paper Charkaoui hands him, and says apologetically, "I'm sorry, but I'm not the one who's imposed these conditions." sss Next month marks the fourth year Charkaoui has had to live under virtual house arrest. He's the only person in Quebec wearing a permanent tracking ankle bracelet (four other Muslim men in Ontario are in the same boat), he must obey a 7 a.m. to 10 p.m. curfew and be accompanied at all times outside his home by either his mother or father - a condition that at times creates tension in the tight-knit family.
He can't use a cellphone, or any phone, other than the one in his home, he has no access to the Internet, other than for research for his studies - and even then, his parents must do the typing. A small group of supporters, including filmmaker Denys Arcand and former solicitor general Warren Allmand, helped scrape together $50,000 bail.
Although Charkaoui, who has bachelor's and master's degrees in education, has worked almost continually since his release, his conditions make looking for work more difficult. He's not allowed to leave the island of Montreal, so positions in Laval, for example, are off limits. He must rely on his father or sister to fax or email his CVs, and if and when he does get an interview, he must drag along one of his parents, casting doubt in interviewers' minds about his maturity.
"It is an absolutely crazy life," says his lawyer, Johanne Doyon. "After a while, enough is enough." On Monday, Doyon and Dominique Larochelle, Charkaoui's longtime legal team, will ask the Federal Court to amend his strict conditions to those similar to someone charged under the Criminal Code: Keep the peace and be of good behaviour, alert the court of a change in address and respect a curfew.
sss Back in the car, Charkaoui heads for Université de Montréal, where he's working on his Ph.D. thesis in education. As he weaves in and out of traffic, he jokes that friends have told him the only time he poses a threat to public security is when he's behind the wheel of a car.
On the back seat lies a card, decorated with a water painting from Africa. Inside is a handwritten note from a group in Durham, Ont., that has, without fail, sent Charkaoui one card a month since his arrest in 2003. Some have included photos of the demonstrations they've staged against security certificates. This one says, "We continue to think of you and, as International Human Rights Day approaches, we will be sending letters to our MP, urging him to act on your behalf. You and your family are in our thoughts and in our hearts." "It's incredible," Charkaoui says, clearly touched by such acts. "I don't even know these people, and I'm ashamed to say I've never been in touch with them, yet they keep supporting me." At U de M, Charkaoui makes a quick stop at the library to renew some books, since he's not allowed to do so via the Internet. Then it's off to a meeting with his thesis adviser. His topic is the perception of Quebec secondary school teachers toward Islam and Muslims in Quebec.
His father sits outside the door, leafing through the paper, reading news about the attacks on Gaza.
"It's very stressful," he says of having to accompany his son everywhere. "But we have no choice since they forced this on us.
"Even when he goes to the bathroom, I have to wait outside the door." sss It's not what Mohammed expected of Canada when the machinist and amateur boxing coach dreamed of coming here in the 1970s from his native Morocco. His father discouraged him from leaving, so when he died in 1994, Mohammed sold his house, the family vacation home, as well as his business and packed up his wife, Latifa, daughter Hind and son Adil, and emigrated to Canada in 1995. All got their citizenship in 1998 except Adil, who is a permanent resident. His application was rejected because of a mention of a trip to Pakistan.
"I believed Canada was paradise, especially for children," the senior Charkaoui says. "The Canadian ambassador warned us about the cold, about the work situation, but not about the security people." May 21, 2003 was the beginning of their long education into that aspect of Canada. The family received a phone call in their Montreal North apartment that, after dropping his wife off at a gynecologist's office in Côte des Neiges, Charkaoui was pulled over by a swarm of RCMP, Montreal and Sûreté du Quebec police officers, plus immigration and CSIS officials, and taken into detention.
Charkaoui is deemed to be a threat to national security, but can see only a short summary of the information gathered against him. Only the judge and government lawyers see the full file. If the certificate is deemed reasonable by the judge, Charkaoui will be deported to Morocco.
At his first court appearance a week later, Charkaoui's lawyer at the time, Rocco Galati, railed against the process, calling it medieval. Since then, Charkaoui, his family and a small dedicated group calling itself the Coalition for Justice for Adil Charkaoui, have been fighting for a fair and open hearing.
In February 2005, after almost two years in detention, Charkaoui was released on strict conditions. He has fought the court every step of the way, and in 2007, the Supreme Court declared the security certificate process unconstitutional and a new law was passed. His parents are at every court hearing, sitting in the front row.
"I'd never even seen the inside of a courtroom in my life until I came here," Mohammed Charkaoui says. "Now I spend my life in one." The new law allows for special advocates, acting on behalf of the suspect, to view protected information in order to poke holes in the government's assertion that the person is a terrorist. But once the advocates have seen the sensitive information, they can no longer speak with the suspect or his lawyers.
McGill University law professor François Crépeau said the advocates should be trusted to ask questions of the suspect that won't jeopardize the source, as in criminal cases.
"Why can't we adopt for these very sensitive cases the same criteria as we do for mafia goons who are killing a lot more people than terrorists?" Crépeau asks. "I think it's because they aren't Canadians.
"There is absolutely no reason to treat foreigners totally differently in terms of essential rules of justice." He said in criminal law, the appearance of justice is important, so often an accused, who is presumed innocent until found guilty, will be released pending his trial.
"But because (security certificates) are under administrative law, the government decided they'll do whatever they want, and we won't know anything." sss From U de M, Charkaoui stops at a Canadian Tire to pay a bill, then pops into a Maxi store to pick up cereal, juice and bananas, all the while dragging his father alongside him. He races home in time to look after his youngest, 3-year-old Asma, so his wife can go to her part-time teaching job.
His mother, Latifa, has prepared a traditional Moroccan meal - a huge platter of couscous smothered with vegetables, lamb and veal. In the background, a small television is tuned to Al Jazeera, broadcasting images of bleeding children and women in Gaza. Charkaoui and his father lay prayer mats on the floor and perform one of five daily prayers before inviting visitors to the table and encouraging them to eat.
In the years since they've been battling the courts, the family has witnessed the birth of two children and the marriage of Charkaoui's younger sister, Hind. But the celebrations have been muted, the cloud of possible deportation forever hanging over their heads.
"Even though he's an adult, with three children, it's like he's still a child, a child that is sick," Latifa, 57, says. "At least with a normal child, you can send them to the corner store for some milk, but Adil is not even allowed to do that.
"We have our lives to live, too," she says. "But we are like prisoners in our home, arranging our schedules around his, not able just to go out and enjoy ourselves, to live in peace." As he eats his meal, Charkaoui glances at his watch and announces he's going to be late for his appointment with his lawyer. Why not just call and let her know? "I can't use this phone in my parents' house, so I'd have to go outside, then upstairs to use my phone," he says. "It's faster just to eat and go." Then it's off to St. Denis St., with lawyer Johanne Doyon, the only person besides his other lawyer that Adil is allowed to be with without the presence of one parent. So his father, mother and youngest daughter pile into the van and head for the office. Latifa and Asma, now asleep in her car seat, stay in the van, while Adil is escorted by his father into the office and handed over to the lawyer. Mohammed leaves to take his wife to a doctor's appointment, because Latifa doesn't have a driver's licence.
"It's way more stressful than working," Mohammed laments. "And what's more, when I work, at least I get paid." After the lawyer's meeting, it's back home to pray, then off to the gym to relieve the stress built up after clocking 200 kilometres in a single day. Mohammed, as usual, grabs his running shoes and accompanies his son.
"I'm in better shape now than I've ever been," he jokes.
After six years of prison, courts, demonstrations, speeches, appearances before parliamentary committees, Charkaoui is philosophical about his fight to clear his name.
"I've become an activist without really wanting to, but being pushed into it," he says. "What I've learned through all of this, is our security is not really protected.
"They've been spying on me since 1999 - imagine the money they've spent and all it's done is cause a lot of damage to me and my family."

Source : The Montreal Gazette - January 2009

Gay Refugees Unfairly Rejected, Critics Say

A federal court judge in Montreal ordered a judicial review in the case of a Nigerian refugee applicant after immigration officials denied his claim because he is a member of the clergy, has two kids and doesn't "look like a gay person."
"I have a pile of 10 or 12 cases on my desk in which the federal court has said the refugee board has erred by applying ridiculous assumptions about sexual orientation," says Toronto-based immigration lawyer Michael Battista. "Such cases are very frequent unfortunately."In a ruling two months ago Justice Maurice E Lagacé denounced the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) decision to deny Tunji Diran Leke status as "perverse" and slammed the board for ignoring, misappropriating and misunderstanding evidence used to establish his sexual orientation."It was patently unreasonable for the board to find that the applicant was not a homosexual because it was highly improbable that a homosexual would father two sons," Lagacé wrote in the Aug 22 decision. "The board provided no explanation and no basis for this inference in spite of the evidence before it that homo-sexuals in Nigeria are forced to live double lives for fear of the consequences of living openly in same-sex relationships."Leke, who is a Christian pastor and married with two children, fled to Toronto from Lagos in October of 2005 after his boy-friend's landlord walked in on the couple having sex a month earlier. The two were beaten, publicly humiliated and detained by police. Homosexuality is a criminal offence under Nigerian law. He has since moved into the Church-Wellesley village, become a member at the 519 Community Centre and started a relationship with a new partner. In July 2006 Leke's claim was denied by the board, which decided his sexual orientation wouldn't be "readily identifiable by people in Nigeria." "Having observed the claimant throughout the hearing I do not find that there is anything to be gleaned from the claimant's facial expressions, tone of voice or his physical [appearance] that would in and of themselves create an impression that this claimant was either homosexual or bisexual," the board member hearing the case wrote in the decision.Lagacé also ordered a new hearing in the case of another gay Nigerian refugee claimant, Eliot Osagie, on similar grounds. Alvaro Orozco, a Nicaraguan refugee claimant who was to be deported on Oct 4 but remains in the country, was also rejected last October because an IRB member didn't believe he is gay. Lawyers and refugee advocates argue the federal court's findings highlight an urgent need for on-going sensitivity training for board members and a full appeals process to make it harder for homophobic judgments to slip through the cracks.In the mid-'90s the IRB asked University of Ottawa associate professor Nicole LaViolette to conduct nationwide sensitivity training for members around issues of sexual orientation in an attempt to ensure fair treatment for queer refugees. LaViolette has travelled the country three times — in 1995, 1999 and 2004 — and says the IRB's professional development materials regarding sexual orientation are probably the best of "any tribunal in Canada."Even so a system of political patronage combined with a high turnover of board members means claimants could end up facing unqualified or insensitive adjudicators."The board has been fairly good about trying to keep [sexual orientation] on the professional development agenda," says LaViolette, "but there is a turnover and there are political appointments so there's an issue of quality."Earlier this year Sean Rehaag, a doctoral candidate at the University of Toronto's Faculty of Law who specializes in immigration issues, published a study showing that acceptance rates for refugee claims based on sexual orientation are similar to or slightly higher than claims based on race, religion, political beliefs or ethnicity. However, in a recent Toronto Star column, he joined the chorus of critics denouncing the Conservative government's recent move to give the Minister of Citizen and Immigration a more direct role in vetting and naming IRB adjudicators as "unduly politicizing the process."Although Battista has called for the IRB to adopt specific guidelines for sexual orientation cases similar to those used in cases involving children and civil strife, LaViolette remains skeptical. She believes the existing gender guidelines could be revised to acknowledge how queer claimants fear persecution because their lifestyle inherently violates the accepted societal gender norms."Historically the IRB has been progressive in its legal analysis of sexual orientation as related to the [United Nations] Convention definition," says Peter Showler, director of The Refugee Forum at the University of Ottawa's Human Rights Research and Education Centre. "It also did attempt to provide training on the issue including credibility issues related to sexual orientation. Such evidentiary issues can be very subtle, complex and culturally specific. These are the kinds of continuing training challenges that the board faces in several areas of the law and types of persecution.""To be fair even for the most informed board members [sexual orientation] is a very difficult issue," says Janet Dench, executive director of the Canadian Council for Refugees (CCR). She says pressure from Ottawa to clear the backlog of cases has pushed ongoing sensitivity training off IRB's radar and admits her own organization should do more to encourage it. CCR has called for Ottawa to create a full appeals process so that claimants don't have to go to federal court in the event of a bad decision.Judicial reviews are an expensive and difficult road. Between 1998 and 2004, 57 percent of determinations heard by the federal court were denied and only 1.6 percent of negative IRB decisions were overturned, according to the CCR.

Source : www.xtra.ca

Dennis Rivera : Deported From Canada, Murdered In Honduras

Dennis Rivera, a refugee claimant who in 2006 was deported by Canada to the United States then deported back to Honduras, after which he was murdered, might have been accepted under Canada's pre-2002 immigration law.
Under the current Immigration Act, only a single member of the Immigration and Refugee Board decides, at a hearing, whether a refugee will be accepted or deported. Previously, two IRB members voted on a refugee, and if one member's decision was favourable, the person was accepted. This change has led to fewer refugees being accepted. Furthermore, the federal government refuses to allow rejected refugees to appeal, as stipulated by the 2002 act. This means that an appeal is possible on;y if allowed by a federal appeals court.
It is clear that Canada's refugee-acceptance system is now structured to be far more of a refugee-rejection system.

Source : Grace Moore, Refugee Research Project

Disposable Workers, Far From Home

Noe Arteaga was working hard in the fields of Quebec,

But his plans to go back to school or build a house with his savings, after a season of honest work in the fields and greenhouses of Quebec, came tumbling down when one of his co-workers got sick.
Another farmhand working for Savoura at its high-tech facility in St. Étienne des Grès wasn't adapting so well to the life of a modern migrant worker.
A combination of long hours working with pesticides, taking too many energy drinks to keep up the pace, and a severe case of homesickness as he shared an apartment with five other men, hit Osvaldo Otoniel hard.
"He went crazy," Arteaga said. "The first day he was still working, but people started to be afraid of him. Some thought he was possessed by the devil." Rather than send Otoniel to the hospital, however, the company locked him on a school bus, Arteaga said.
When the other workers needed the bus to go out to the fields, Otoniel was transferred to the lunchroom. And so it went, back and forth, for several days.
Arteaga sent an email to the Guatemalan consulate. Nothing happened. Then he helped organize a work-stoppage.
"We said we wouldn't go back to work until Osvaldo was taken to the hospital." The impromptu strike lasted only a few hours, but it worked. Otoniel was taken to hospital.
But when he was released, both he and Arteaga were told they were being sent back to Guatemala. Within hours they were on a plane.
"They said I was a bad worker and I was gone. That was it. Anyway, I had nowhere to live. Your employer is also your landlord." Every summer, more and more foreign workers are transplanted into Quebec's deserted farms - from 860 in 1995 to 6,627 in 2008 - saving an industry from collapse and putting food on Quebec tables.
By most accounts, it's a win-win arrangement. The farms get reliable, minimum-wage labour to plant and harvest the crops.
The workers, at least on paper, have the same rights as Quebecers, including free medicare. They even pay employment insurance, though they don't claim benefits because they are sent home when their contract is over.
The workers, meanwhile, go home as kings, having made more money in three months than they would make in a year in their own countries. (Contracts usually run from three to eight months.) It's no wonder 90 per cent choose to return to the same farm the next year.
But cases like Arteaga's are raising questions about whether the program leaves workers vulnerable to abuse, because their employer is also their landlord and deportation agent, and because they need the money - at whatever cost.
Arteaga had another four months on his contract when he was repatriated.
"They are 100 per cent disposable," says Michael Freeman, of the Immigrant Workers' Centre in Côte des Neiges. "If they are good, they can come back for 10 years, but if the employer doesn't like them, they can get rid of them and they will never be back in North America again. ... There is no third-party oversight." With his work visa still valid six weeks after his repatriation, Arteaga got back on a plane to Montreal, and has taken his case to the Commission des relations du travail.
His complaint, against the in-house union, the Syndicat des employés de Savoura, for not defending him, and against the company for wrongful dismissal, will be heard Aug. 24.
"The message to the other workers was clear: Shut up and pick, or go home and live in poverty like Noé," Arteaga says.
It's not clear how many are sent home early. Out of sight and out of mind.
René Mantha, the president of FERME - Fondation des entreprises en recrutement de main-d'oeuvre étrangère - which represents about 450 farm owners in Quebec, and also runs a travel agency to bring workers to and fro, says only five to 10 workers were repatriated last year before the end of their contracts.
Some can't handle the work, he says. A Mexican who arrived recently is obese and can't be on his feet all day. Some are bad alcoholics, and others can't work in groups. There have even been knife fights between workers.
"Do you wait until there's a murder on your farm?" Mantha asks. "The (foreign workers) don't go home after work. They stay together all day and all night. I can tell you some of them sleep with one eye open." In Arteaga's case, Mantha recommended to Savoura that it refund him for his plane ticket and give him severance pay.
As for the motives of his dismissal, Mantha said that's up to the commission to determine.
Savoura did not return repeated phone calls by The Gazette.
Mantha also admitted there may be bad employers out there, as there are everywhere. Some farms have been excluded from the program because of the way they treated their workers, he said.
But workers can seek redress with their consulates - which have to sign off on any request for repatriation - and are routinely asked for their comments back home.
The idea of having a third party to review conditions on farms, however, would be akin to "using an elephant to crush a mouse." Who would pay for it? he asked.
Andrea Galvez, the co-ordinator of the Agricultural Workers Alliance support centre in St. Rémi, says there are many forced repatriations - they're just not classified as such.
When workers get sick or have an accident, they are sometimes told to go home if they can't work, and they do, not knowing they are entitled to compensation and care right here. It is then considered a "voluntary leave." The same goes for stress-related illnesses or breakdowns, a common occurrence, she said. One worker committed suicide two years ago.
Then there are those who speak out for better working conditions.
Bonifacio Santos Moreno was one of three people repatriated to Mexico in 2006 because they signed union cards.
He took his case to the commission and won - he was reinstated in his job at La Legumiere Y.C., where he had worked for six years.
But last year, while working for a different company, Santos Moreno returned to the commission to testify about conditions on farms and was promptly fired and repatriated again.
According to the company, it was Santos Moreno who found the job "too demanding and wanted to go home." Noé Arteaga just received his record of employment from Savoura on Wednesday. The reason for the record? "He returned to his country."

Source : The Montreal Gazette

Grown In Mexico, Exploited In Quebec

Maria Forti investigates migrant workers’ rights violations on commercial farms near St. Remi, Quebec

Eating local is now more trendy than eating organic. But you may not be aware when you pick up foods with “grown in Quebec” labels that migrant workers who plant and harvest these products toil in poor working conditions within a 100-mile radius of Montreal. These workers fly thousands of miles from countries like Mexico, often expecting work, climate, and culture similar to that of their home country. Instead, they face the challenges of unfamiliar work, weather, languages, and – thanks to the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (CSAWP) – low wages, poor living conditions, and employment insecurity.
CSAWP brings foreign workers to Canada for single-season work on commercial farms. The program was founded in 1966, when Canada signed an agreement with the Jamaican government in order to fill a shortage of workers on Canadian farms.
According to a recent report on the status of migrant farm workers in Canada published by the United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW), CSAWP “has expanded in all directions. Participating countries now include Mexico, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, and the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States.” However, UFCW also points out that the structure and regulations relating to CSAWP have not been updated or changed since the program’s inception.
“Farm work in Canada is seasonal, labour intensive, dangerous, and low-paying…. The agricultural industry is not viewed as a favourable employment sector by Canadian workers due to the low wages, hard physical labour, and seasonal nature of the work. CSAWP provides Canadian farm employers a reliable temporary workforce willing to work under these unfavourable conditions,” the UFCW states in the same report. The reliable and exploitable workforce provided by the CSAWP means that there is “no incentive for the agricultural industry to improve working conditions and pay,” UFCW reports.
Activists mobilizing around issues concerning migrant workers’ rights agree with the UFCW’s analysis. This summer, Sara Todd, a U3 student at McGill and an activist involved with Solidarity Across Borders in Montreal, started biking out to farms that employ migrant workers in the Montreal area. Throughout the summer, she and a group of about 50 biked in groups of around ten to farms surrounding Montreal with Caravanes Migrants, a Solidarity Across Borders’ offshoot program. They spoke with workers and tried to build links to break the isolation that these workers face.
“These temporary foreign workers programs...have been around forever, but they are growing,” Todd says of the CSAWP’s expansion in the last 40 years.
Todd notes a link between the program’s expansion and the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which increased the imports of food from U.S. and Canada-based commercial farmers to Mexico, essentially putting small farmers in Mexico out of business.
“[NAFTA] is one of the reasons why small farmers can no longer survive in Mexico and are then forced to migrate to the U.S. or Canada to find work in order to support their families. It’s all connected. It’s part of the global capitalist system,” Todd explains. Mexican workers in St. Remi, who wish to remain anonymous for this article, recognize that the advertisements for the program in Mexico target campesinos, or small farmers. Many workers state that migrating to Canada was their only option because there were no jobs in Mexico. According to the UFCW, of the 20,000 workers now coming to Canada through the CSAWP, more than half are from Mexico.
Roberto Nieto, an activist with Solidarity Across Borders who also participated in Caravanes Migrants, sees a link between the current situation of migrant workers on Quebec farms, and the history of agricultural work where it relates to global capitalism’s drive for cheaper labour. He maintains that cheap agricultural labour is a model based on slave plantations.
“Slavery brought about this acceptable exploitable labour force,” Nieto says. “We don’t have slavery anymore, but now we have this acceptable form of substandard work conditions. It is still based on racist policies, racist ideas.”
Anna Malla, an employee at the Migrant Workers Support Centre in St. Remi and a migrant rights activist, makes more historical connections.
“When we look back at Canada’s racist immigration policy, we see the pattern: bringing Chinese people over to build the railway, just using groups of people from particular parts of the world to build up the economy here, exploiting them to the max, squeezing every last bit of ‘productivity’ out of them, and then getting rid of them when there is no longer a need,” she says.
Racism and exploitation manifest themselves in the structure of the CSAWP in more ways than one. First and foremost, the program allows the employers on the farms to send the workers back to their home countries at any time, for almost any reason. This constant threat of deportation undermines any workers’ rights granted through conditions set by CSAWP.
“I’ve heard of workers being sent home because their employer said they drink too much outside of the workplace... [or] because they were antisocial,” Nieto says.
Mexican workers on various farms surrounding St. Remi verify this information, saying that a friend of theirs had been sent home because he was sick and had been hospitalized. In that situation, the employer is supposed to pay sick leave hours to the worker, but in this case, and in many others, the worker was put on a plane home and, as in nine out of ten similar cases, likely not asked back to the same farm the next year.
“There is no job security,” one worker says. “We don’t know what’s going to happen. We don’t know if maybe we’ll get switched from a farm where we have worked for five or six years and have to start at the very beginning again.”
Malla adds, “the Canadian state and the big agri-business owners here use these people, these workers, like animals; they use them for their work for however long it suits them, and then when they get old or sick, or act in a ‘disagreeable’ way, they just deport them or fire them. People are treated as though they are dispensable objects.”
Many workers have also encountered problems with unsafe housing and working conditions. Malla mentions houses with poor ventilation, broken or badly constructed water systems, and fungus growing indoors. Nieto and Todd remember a farm that employed mostly female workers who were not allowed to receive visitors and were possibly locked into their dormitories at night. Nieto recalls a man who mentioned that he was spraying pesticides without any training, or awareness of the health risks pesticides pose when inhaled or brought into contact with the skin. Workers have reported to Malla that pesticides are being sprayed while they are working in the same fields.
The poor working conditions don’t end there. Reports of sexual abuse, racial discrimination, and employers withholding passports and documentation are rampant. In addition, migrant workers in Quebec are only paid $8.52 per hour, with no overtime. Quebecois workers claim that they are paid the same, but are more heavily taxed in order to cover the unemployment wages they qualify for in the off-season. Many Quebecois workers are paid more because they are hired for specific jobs, such as operating heavy machinery; however, when Mexican workers operate heavy machinery, they are still paid $8.52 per hour.
In addition, working days are anywhere from nine to 15 hours long and are incredibly repetitive.
“Everyday is the same for us,” a Mexican worker says. “From the time we get up, to the time we go to bed. And the next day is exactly the same.”
Perhaps more troubling than the working conditions is the workers’ lack of awareness that their rights are being violated. Nieto describes a worker who explained why many employees do not know their rights on the farms. The worker told Nieto, “We just do not have any capacity to organize ourselves and know our rights because we are working 15-hour days. So all we do is get up, work and go to bed.”
In order to be accepted into the program, workers may not have more than a primary school education. This contributes to the lack of knowledge about workers’ rights. Furthermore, there is no one to speak for workers’ rights during CSAWP contract negotiations
“There is no representative from the actual workers,” Todd notes. “Say the Mexican consulate actually tried to push for higher wages or better living conditions, the Canadian government can just go to a different country. There is this unlimited supply of workers that can be exploited.”
Both Todd and Nieto contend that the Canadian government will try to start programs similar to CSAWP with any willing country. In fact, there is already a similar program in place that brings Guatemalans to the farms outside of Montreal through a low-skilled pilot project. And in many cases, the treatment of Guatemalans is worse than that of Mexicans; the pilot project stipulates that Guatemalan workers sign their contracts with individual employers, meaning that if a farm does not ask them back the next year, they are out of a job. In contrast, when a Mexican worker is not asked back to the same farm, CSAWP will often find him placement elsewhere.
This lack of worker representation has led to a unionization drive by UFCW. Though three farms in Quebec are awaiting labour board decisions that would allow unionization on these specific farms, UFCW has met obstacles in the form of agricultural lobbyists and government policies. Employers’ ability to purge their farms of political workers who are pushing for a union has further deterred unionization efforts.
In the early 1990s, UFCW began attempts to unionize temporary foreign workers within CSAWP. Since then, UFCW has set up seven Migrant Workers Support Centres throughout Canada that provide educational and support services to migrant workers.
Employees at the Workers Centre in St. Remi offer many services, in the spirit of educating workers about their rights, and hopefully forming unions on farms in the surrounding area. However, much of their time is spent filling out paperwork and helping workers apply for parental benefits – the only tax benefits that migrant workers qualify for. The centres are understaffed and painted as “the bad guys” by many employers.
Even if UFCW managed to unionize all migrant workers across Canada, CSAWP would still be fundamentally flawed. Workers who come to Canada seasonally for agricultural jobs are unable to acquire legal status in Canada. This is more or less a moot point, though; CSAWP stipulates that male workers must have a spouse in their home country in order to qualify for the program, while female workers must have children in their home country. This is supposed to ensure that connections at home are stronger than the connections in Canada.
“You can improve the working conditions. You can work to improve the housing conditions. But if someone still does not have status in Canada, they can always be sent back home – that is the underlying problem,” Todd argues. Threat of deportation is a constant reminder for workers of their temporary and unstable position in Canada.
One of Solidarity Across Borders’s founding principles is “status for all.” Ultimately, the group advocates a no-borders approach to the current capitalist-state system, but in the short term they fight against deportation and for the rights of immigrants and migrant workers by pushing for status for all. In this vein, the Caravanes Migrants were set up to forge links between migrant workers and activists in the Montreal area and add a radical analysis to the issues surrounding CSAWP.
“We’re not necessarily trying to unionize,” Nieto says, stressing the difference between Solidarity Across Borders’s work and the UCFW’s Workers Centre in St. Remi. “Our capacity to actually hear stories and our ability to help is very minimal. We just hope workers will start knowing that we’re around,” he elaborates.
Together, Solidarity Across Borders and the UCFW’s Workers Centre in St. Remi represent two faces of the fight for migrant workers’ rights. Both organizations welcome interested volunteers and both need help to reach their goals.
“We are hoping to start having workshops and skill sharing on how to organize on farms, whether within or outside of a union structure. We’re also hoping to bring together temporary workers from different sectors more often, to share their experiences in trying to organize a workplace with precarious status,” Malla says. “We also always welcome people to come and volunteer, even if it’s to organize activities and not necessarily political stuff, to try and break the banality of the workers’ lives here a bit.”
“People should become more aware [of the situation of migrant workers],” Todd adds. “People should make demands to their government. I think that a lot of non-status people cannot make their voices heard because they are scared that they are going to get deported. So in solidarity, and in recognition of your position of privilege, I think it is your obligation to demand rights for everyone.”

Source : The McGill Daily

Immigrants From France Are Not Welcomed In Quebec

A curious thing is happening in Quebec: immigrants from France, highly prized and ardently recruited, are packing up in droves and quitting the snowy province.
"We are strangers here, and yet we had been assured we would be warmly welcomed," Rodolphe Claret, who emigrated to Montreal in 2005, recently told an interviewer from La Presse. "They made their pitch very effectively, it was a beautiful package, they showed us graphs and photos, we wanted to believe in it."
But after two years of working at menial jobs and struggling to make ends meet, Claret and his wife sold their bungalow and possessions and returned to France.
The Clarets and thousands like them are enmeshed in the perennial problem that afflicts immigrants to Canada: the inability to transfer foreign qualifications and work experience.
To address the problem, a new study from researchers at the Université de Montréal is recommending that Canada overhaul its immigration policy to favour younger candidates like foreign students and temporary workers, for whom foreign experience and credentials form less of a barrier.
"There is a serious lack of consistency between the government policy of wanting to attract qualified new immigrants to the labour market, and the reality that confronts those immigrants when employers refuse to recognize their experience and qualifications," the study finds.
The review is also needed, say the authors, to reverse the current trend that sees each successive generation of immigrants earn less money than its predecessor.
The study shows that Ontario's immigrants have historically fared better financially than new arrivals in Quebec and British Columbia, but that situation is changing.
In the 1990s, immigrants to Ontario fell behind those in Quebec and B.C. in terms of salary. Together the three provinces are home to 90 per cent of immigrants to the country. The income gap is growing, the researchers say, despite new programs aimed at integrating immigrants, largely because Quebec has a greater say in what immigrants it accepts, and because B.C. has a longer experience with new arrivals from Asia, who now form the bulk of immigrants to Canada.
The study found new arrivals to Ontario in the 1990s earned an average of 18 per cent less than those who immigrated in the 1960s. Those figures stood at 27.1 per cent in Quebec and 31 per cent in B.C. for the same time period.
But in the 1990s, Ontario immigrants earned an average of 5 per cent less than in the 1980s, whereas Quebec and B.C. immigrants' salaries remained flat.
The study, billed as the first comparative analysis of its kind, also tried to explain the phenomenon by examining economic conditions, country of provenance, gender and language skills.
"And we found that language skills by far are the most important factor in determining economic success," said Université de Montréal industrial relations professor Brahim Boudarbat, a labour economist who co-authored the study with doctoral student Maude Boulet.
Economic cycles, by contrast, have had a negligible impact.
The researchers also discovered that immigrant women in Quebec and immigrant men in B.C. tend to be the hardest hit in terms of earning potential, and that immigrants from Africa and Latin America have a comparatively harder time having their qualifications recognized.
The situation is particularly difficult for women, "who must effectively be prepared to start from scratch" upon arriving in Canada, Boudarbat wrote in the study.
Because of an agreement reached in the 1960s, Quebec is allowed to select its "economic class" immigrants, and in the last six or seven years has changed its policies to favour North African and European francophones.
"Quebec has effectively managed to stop the bulk of the economic decline of its immigrants," Boudarbat said. "The fact that other provinces don't have as much control over their immigration policies is necessarily an important factor. Ontario and B.C. simply don't have the same means to adjust."
While Quebec's immigrants now tend to be better educated than elsewhere in the country – the result of a provincial policy decision – it's also where the income gap between university-educated immigrants and those without higher degrees is deepest.
"A society and an economy doesn't just need PhDs, you need to recruit all kinds of people in a diversified economy, skilled and not," said Yann Hairaud, head of a non-profit Montreal agency that helps French immigrants adjust to Quebec life.
"The fundamental problem we see, and it's one that affects all immigrants to Canada, is the recognition of experience and qualifications."

Source : The Star